Βίβλος γενέσεως Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ υἱοῦ Δαυὶδ υἱοῦ Ἀβραάμ.
The book of the genealogy of Jesus Christ, the son of David, the son of Abraham.
Matt 1:1 [Textus Receptus (Elzevir) (1624)]
ΒΊΒΛΟΣ γενέσεως Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, υἱοῦ Δαβίδ, υἱοῦ Ἀβραάμ.
* Not using the ligatures used in Elzevir’s edition e.g. ȣ for οῦ.
Matt 1:1 [Papyrus 1 (Ƿ1) (ε01) (3rd century)]
Βιβλος γενεσεως IY ΧY υυ δαυὶδ […] αβρααμ
Matt 1:1 [Codex Sinaiticus (א or 01) (δ2) (4th century)]
Βιβλος γενεσεως IY ΧY ὑϊου δαδ ὑϊου αβρααμ
Matt 1:1 [Codex Vaticanus Gr. 1209 (B03) (δ1) (4th century)]1235c1
Βίβλος γενεσεως IY ΧY υἱοῦ δαυεὶδ υἱοῦ αβρααμ
Matt 1:1 [Codex Basilensis (E07) (ε55) (8th century)]
Βιβλος γενεσεως ΙΥ ΧΥ υυ δαδ υυ αβρααμ·
Matt 1:1 [Codex Cyprius (Grec 63) (K017) (ε71) (9th century)]14r
Βιβλος γενέσεως ΙΥ ΧΥ· ὑιου δαδ· ὑιου αβραάμ·
MSS: K, S (f17r), Ω (f15c1), 4, 33 (f101r), 127 (f4r), 185, 230 (f16r)
Matt 1:1 [Codex Regius (Grec 62) (L019) (ε56) (8th century)]4rc1
Βίβλος γενεσεως, ΙΥ ΧῨ υυ δαδ, ΥΥ αβραὰμ.
Matt 1:1 [Codex Campianus (Grec 48) (M021) (ε72) (9th century)]21rc1
Βίβλος γενέσεως ΙΥ ΧΥ υυ δαδ· υυ αβραάμ.
Matt 1:1 [Codex Washingtonianus (W032) (ε014) (5th century)]
Βίβλος γενέσεως IY ΧY υἱοῦ δ[…]δ ὑϊου αβρααμʼ
Matt 1:1 [Codex Sangallensis 48 (Δ037) (ε76) (9th century)]21c1
Βιβλος. γενεσεως. IY ΧY υυ δαδ υιου αβρααμ.
Matt 1:1 [Codex Purpureus Rossanensis (Σ042) (ε18) (6th century)]
Βιβλος γενεσεως IY ΧY υιου δαδ υιου αβρααμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 1 (Codex Basilensis A. N. IV. 2) (12th century)]161r
Βίβλος γενεσεως ιυ χυ υιου δαδ υιου αβρααμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 2 (Codex Basiliensis A. N. IV. 1) (11th century)]2r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ιυ χυ, υἱοῦ δαδ, υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 8 (Gr. 49) (11th century)]18rc1
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ· υἱȣ δαδ. υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 9 (Gr. 83) (1167)]8r
Βίβλος γενέσεως Ἰυ Χυ υἱοῦ διδ υϊοῦ ἀβραάμ·
* διδ = ink faded?
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 43 (8409) (11th century)]12r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰυ χυ υἱοῦ δαδ υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 44 (Add MS 4949) (12th century)]14r
Βιβλος γενεσεως ιυ χυ· υιου δαδ· υιου αβρααμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 46 (MS. Barocci 29) (13th century)]31r
Βΐβλος γενέσεως ιυ χυ υἱοῦ δὰδ υἱοῦ ἁβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 57 (MS. Gr. 9) (12th century)]3r
Βιβλος γενεσεως ιυ χυ· υιου δαδ· υιȣ αβρααμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 65 (Harley MS 5776) (11th century)]6r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ιυχυ υυ δαδ υυ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 72 (Harley MS 5647) (11th century)]4r
Βιβλος γενεσεως ιυ χυ υιου δαδ υιου αβρααμ.
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 83 (Gr. 518) (11th century)]31
Βιβλος γενεσεως ιυ χυ· υιου δαδ· υιου αβρααμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 109 (Add MS 5117) (1326-1457)]26r
Βιβλος γενεσεως ιυ χυ· υιου δαδ· υιου αβρααμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 113 (Harley MS 1810) (11th century)]26r
Βΐβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ · υἱοῦ δαδ · υἱοῦ ἁβρᾱάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 114 (Harley MS 5540) (11th century)]4r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ υἱοῦ δαδ υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 116 (Harley MS 5567) (12th century)]15r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ιυ χυ· υἱοῦ δαδ υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 182 (12th century)]1r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ιυ χυ· υἱοῦ δαδ͵ υἱȣ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 186 (11th century)]18r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ· υἱοῦ δαυῒδ. υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 190 (14th century)]1r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰυ χυ υἱοῦ δαδ υἱοῦ αβρααμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 195 (11th century)]1r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ιυ χυ· υἱοῦ δαδ υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 198 (Aedilium 221) (13th century)]8a
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ υἱȣ δαδ υἱοῦ ἁβραὰμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 199 (Conv. Soppr.160) (12th century)]9r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰυχυ υἱοῦ δαδ, υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 200 (11th century)]1rc1
Βίβλος γενέσεως ιυ χυ· υἱοῦ δαδ υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 201 (Add MS 11837) (11th century)]10r
Βιβλος γενεσεως ιυ χυ· υιου δαδ· υιου αβρααμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 202 (Add MS 14774) (12th century)]3r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰυ χυ· υἱοῦ δαδ· υἱοῦ αβρααμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 272 (Add MS 15581) (11th century)]5r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ιυ χυ· υἱοῦ δαδ υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 276 (Grec 81) (1092)]14r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ· υἱοῦ δαδ· υἱοῦ ἁβρᾱὰμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 365 (12th century)]29
Βϊβλος Γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ, υἱοῦ δαδ, υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 422 (Gr. 210) (11th century)]21c1
Βίβλος γενέσεως ιῦχῦ υἱοῦ δαδ· υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 438 (Add MS 5111) (12th century)]13r
Bϊβλος γενέσεως ιυ χυ · υιοῦ δαδ· υιοῦ ἀβρααμ ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 439 (Add MS 5107) (1159)]9rc1
Bἱβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ · υἱοῦ δαδ υἱοῦ ἀβρᾱαμ ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 449 (Add MS 4950) (13th century)]4v
Bϊβλος γενέσεως ιυ χυ υἱοῦ δαδ υἱοῦ ἀβρᾱαμ ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 476 (Arundel MS 524) (11th century)]8r
Bἱβλος γενέσεως ιυ χυ · υἱοῦ δαδ · υἱοῦ ἀβρᾱαμ ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 478 (Add MS 11300) (10th century)]8r
Βιβλος γενεσεως ιυ χυ υυ δαδ. υυ αβρααμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 479 (Codex Wordsworth) (13th century)]1r
Bἱβλος γενέσεως ιυ χυ · υἱοῦ δαδ · υἱοῦ ἀβρᾱαμ ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 490) (Add MSS 7141) (11th century)]8rc1
Bἱβλος γενέσεως ιυ χυ · υιοῦ δαδ · υιοῦ ἀβρᾱάμ ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 491 (Add MS 11836) (11th century)]5r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ, υἱοῦ δαδ, υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 492 (Add MS 11838) (1325-1326)]13r
Βϊβλος γενέσεως· ἰῦ χῦ υἱοῦ δαδ, υἱοῦ ἀβρᾶὰμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 497 (Add MS 16943) (11th century)]10r
Βἱβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ · υἱοῦ δαδ· υἱοῦ ἀβρᾱαμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 500 (Add MS 17982) (13th century)]9r
Βΐβλος γενέσεω ἰῦ χῦ. υἱοῦ δὰδ υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 504 (Add MS 17470) (1033)]11r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰυ χυ· υιου δαδ· υιου αβρααμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 532 (12th century)]8r
Βϊβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ· υἱοῦ δαδ. υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 543 (12th century)]1ac1
Βϊβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ· υἱοῦ δαδ. υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 556 (Cod. Bodmer 25) (12th century)]1r
Bἱβλος γενέσεως ιυ χυ · υἱοῦ δαδ · υἱοῦ ἀβρᾱαμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 560 (Ms. Hunter 475) (11th century)]29r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ· υἱοῦ δαδ͵ υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 561 (Ms. Hunter 476) (13th century)]1a
Bἱβλος γενέσεως ιυ χυ · υἱοῦ δαδ · υἱοῦ ἀβρᾱαμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 645 (Add MS 22506) (1305)]6r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ· υἱοῦ δαδ· υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 652 (10th century)]27r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ιυχυ υἱοῦ δαδ͵ υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 682 (11th century)]11r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰυ χυ υἱοῦ δαδ. υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 688 (Add MS 22736) (1179)]13rc1
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ υἱοῦ δαδ, υἱοῦ ἁβραὰμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 690 (Add MS 22738) (14th century)]9r
Βΐβλος γενέσεως ΐῦχῦ· υἱοῦ δαδ, υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ.
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 692 (Add MS 22740) (13th century)]5r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ΐῦχῦ υἱοῦ δαδ· υἱοῦ ἁβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 693 (Add MS 22741) (13th century)]11r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰῦχῦ υἱοῦ δαδ· υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 892 (Add MS 33277) (9th century)]20r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ υυ δαδ υυ ἁβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 1152 (Ms. 129) (1133)]5r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ιυ χυ· υιȣ δαδ· υιου ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 1273 (Ms G124) (1128)]5r
Βίβλος γενέσεως, ἰῦ χῦ· υἱοῦ δαδ, υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 1282 (Gruber 44) (12th century)]8r
Β(ιβλ) …
* ink faded till Matt 1:5
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 1424 (10th Century)]8r
Βίβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χυ υυ δαδ, υυ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 2400 (Ms. 965) (12th century)]8r
Βϊβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ· υἱοῦ δαδ υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 2407 (Ms. 136/Goodspeed Ms. Grk. 24) (1332)]4r
Βἱβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ · υἱοῦ δαδ υἱοῦ ἀβραὰμ ·
Matt 1:1 [Minuscule 2905 (Benaki SK 1) (13th century)]15r
Βΐβλος γενέσεως ἰῦ χῦ· υἱοῦ δαδ, υἱοῦ ἀβραάμ·
Matt 1:1 [Lectionary ℓ1086 (A’ 86) (10th century)]285rc1
Βίβλος γενεσεως ιυ χυ υυ δαδ υιου αβρααμ·
Matt 1:1 [Peshitta]
ܟ݁ܬ݂ܳܒ݂ܳܐ ܕ݁ܺܝܠܺܝܕ݂ܽܘܬ݂ܶܗ ܕ݁ܝܶܫܽܘܥ ܡܫܺܝܚܳܐ ܒ݁ܪܶܗ ܕ݁ܕ݂ܰܘܺܝܕ݂ ܒ݁ܪܶܗ ܕ݁ܰܐܒ݂ܪܳܗܳܡ܂
Matt 1:1 [Old Syriac Curetonian (Codex Curetonianus Syriacus syrc)]
ܟܬܒܐ ܕܬ̈ܘܠܕܬܗ ܕܝܫܘܥ ܡܫܝܚܐ܂ ܒܪܗ ܕܕܘܝܕ ܒܪܗ ܕܐܒܪܗܡ܂
Matt 1:1 [Old Syriac Sinaitic (Codex Sinaiticus Syriacus syrs)]
ܟܬܒܐ ܕܬܘ̈ܠܕܬܐ ܕܝܫܘܥ ܡܫܝܚܐ ܒܪܗ ܕܕܘܝܕ ܒܪܗ ܕܐܒܪܗܡ
Matt 1:1 [Philoxenian (syrph)/Harclean/Harklean]*
ܟܬܒܐ ܕܗܘܝܐ ܕܝܣܘܥ ܡܣܝܚܐ ܕܒܪܗ ܕܕܘܝܕ ܕܒܪܗ ܕܐܒܪܐܐܡ.
* According to Aland, the editor, J. White, erroneously identified it with the Philoxenian version.
Matt 1:1 [Old Latin Codex Vercellensis (Codex a or 3) (4th century)]
Liber generatio … Christi filii Da. … lii Abr. …
Matt 1:1 [Old Latin Codex Brixianus (f or 10) (6th century)]
Liber generationis iesu christi fili dauid. fili abraham.
Mat 1:1 [Old Latin Munich MS Lat. 6224 (q or 13) (7th century)]
Liber generationis Ihu Xpi fili Did · fili Abraham ·
Matt 1:1 [Vulgate]
Liber generationis Iesu Christi filii David filii Abraham
Matt 1:1 [Sahidic Coptic]
ⲡϫⲱⲱⲙⲉ ⲙⲡⲉϫⲡⲟ ⲛ̅ⲓ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡⲉⲭ̅ⲥ̅ ⲡϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲛⲇⲁⲩⲉⲓⲇ ⲡϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲛⲁⲃⲣⲁϩⲁⲙ
Matt 1:1 [Jean du Tillet (Heb.MSS.132)]
אלה תולדות ישו בן דוד בן אברהם
* IY ΧY = Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (Nomina Sacra)
Critical Apparatus :
(1) γενεσεως : Ƿ1, א, B, E, K, L, M, S, Δ, Σ, Ω, 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 18, 20, 27, 33, 34, 35, 36, 43, 44, 46, 65, 72, 109, 113, 114, 116, 127, 151, 157, 182, 185, 186, 190, 195, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 230, 272, 276, 365, 422, 438, 439, 449, 476, 478, 479, 490, 491, 492, 497, 500, 501sup, 504, 505, 532, 543, 556, 561, 645, 652, 682, 688, 690, 691, 692, 693, 699, 700, 750, 892, 901, 1006, 1007, 1008, 1071, 1080, 1152, 1187, 1203, 1210, 1219, 1273, 1346, 1424, 1503, 1505, 1582, 2355, 2356, 2400, 2407, 2603, 2905, ℓ1086
(2) γεννεσεως : 3000
(3) δαβιδ : 1203?
(4) δαυειδ : B, Sahidic (ΔΑΥΕΙΔ)
(5) δαυιδ : Ƿ1, 186, 1006, 1203?, 2355, Bohairic (ΔAYIΔ), Complutensian Polyglott
(6) δαδ : א (in Codex Sinaiticus = Δαυεὶδ see Matthew 1:6), E, K, L, M, S, Δ, Σ, Ω, 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 18, 20, 27, 33, 34, 35, 36, 43, 44, 46, 65, 72, 109, 113, 114, 116, 127, 151, 157, 182, 185, 190, 195, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 230, 272, 276, 365, 422, 438, 439, 449, 476, 478, 479, 490, 491, 492, 497, 500, 501sup, 504, 505, 532, 543, 556, 561, 645, 652, 682, 688, 690, 691, 692, 693, 699, 700, 750, 892, 901, 1007, 1008, 1071, 1080, 1152, 1187, 1210, 1219, 1273, 1346, 1424, 1503, 1505, 1582, 2356, 2400, 2407, 2603, 2905, ℓ1086
Α :
1505 (f13r)
Α / Γ :
892 (f20r)
Tischendorf Mt 1:1
Early Church Fathers
(1) Origen (Commentary of St. John’s Gospel, vol. 1, A.E. Brooke, p 6, 20)
Βίβλος, φησὶ, γενέσεως Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, υἱοῦ Δαβίδ, υἱοῦ Ἀβραάμ.
(2) Eusebius of Caesarea (Demonstratio Evangelica, p337, 14, Eusebius Werke, Ivar A. Heikel)
Βίβλος γενέσεως Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ υἱοῦ Δαβίδ υἱοῦ Ἀβραάμ
A Textual Commentary On Matthew 1:1
(a) Bίβλος γενέσεως (Hebrew סֵפֶר תֹּולְדֹת) was a Biblical phrase used to describe a narrative containing a list of descendants. See Gen 2:4 (LXX) αὕτη ἡ βίβλος γενέσεως οὐρανοῦ καὶ γῆς ὅτε ἐγένετο ᾗ ἡμέρᾳ ἐποίησεν ὁ Θεὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν and Gen 5:1 (LXX) αὕτη ἡ βίβλος γενέσεως ἀνθρώπων ᾗ ἡμέρᾳ ἐποίησεν ὁ Θεὸς τὸν Ἀδάμ κατ’ εἰκόνα Θεοῦ ἐποίησεν αὐτόν. The Jews set much store by genealogies, and to Jewish Christians the Messiahship of Jesus depended on its being proved that He was a descendant of king David. The word βίβλος denotes not only a book, but a catalogue or index, as Genesis 5:5; and γένεσις amongst its other significations, bears that of a race, or progeny, as Genesis 6:9.
(b) Yἱοῦ Δαυὶδ is the title of the Messiah, the Saviour. See Matt 15:22, Matt 20:20, Matt 21:15, Mark 10:47, Luke 18:38.
(c) Δαβίδ (Dâbid), Δαυίδ (Dâuid) and Δαυειδ (Daueid) are three different Greek transliterations of the Hebrew דּוד (dāwīdh), or דּויד (dāwīdh), “beloved.” The Greeks used their β to represent not only the Hebrew ב (both without the Dagesh and with it) but also the Hebrew ו ; as in דּויד Δαβίδ, אַבְרָהָם Ἀβραὰμ, etc. instances of which may be found in the Septuagint. Δαυειδ and Δαυιδ are the Septuagintal form. Josephus has Δαυιδης or Δαβίδης. On the spelling of this name see J. H. Moulton’s Grammar of New Testament Greek II, S 45. Δαυίδ is chosen as it is a transliteration of Hebrew דּויד.
(d) The common form Δαβίδ hardly belongs here ; as in MSS. this name is generally contracted ΔΑΔ, Δαδ ; while in the older copies in which it is expressed at length, it is given ΔΑΥΕΙΔ, and in those later, Δαυίδ. The insertion, however, of Δαβίδ in the common text as printed, may be compared with the adoption of more recent forms in MSS.: this orthography belongs so completely to the latest period of Greek pronunciation, &c, that it would only have been adopted when it conveyed just the same sound as AaviS. The form Δαβίδ (which may be justly termed barbarous) owes its adoption to its introduction by Erasmus (or Froben his printer), in his first edition. The Complutensian editors both in the New Testament and the LXX. gave Δαυίδ; and this form has been commonly adopted in that version as printed, except in the Aldine text.
(Horne, Davidson, Tregelles, An Introduction to the Critical Study and Knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, 10th edition, vol. VI, 1856, p. 63)
(e) According to G.H. Gwilliam, ܕܘܝܕ in the Peshitta represents Δαυίδ of the majority, or perhaps Δαυειδ of B, but not Δαβίδ of Textus Receptus (see The Place of the Peshitto Version In The Apparatus Criticus of The Greek New Testament in Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica, vol. 1. 1885, page 197). Δαβίδ is a late introduction probably from the Latin (see Edward Miller’s A Textual Commentary Upon the Holy Gospels, p. 1), and found only in late minuscule manuscripts. See Luke 3:31.
(f) Sometimes the scribe has mistaken one word for another, which differs from it only in one or two letters. This happens chiefly in cases when uncial or capital letters in which the oldest manuscripts are written resemble each other, except in some fine stroke which may have decayed through age. So we read Δαυίδ or Δαβίδ indifferently, as, in the later or cursive character, β and υ have nearly the same shape. (F. H. Scrivener)
(g) Abbreviations, symbols, and the like in the manuscript should be read as though the scribe had spelled them fully, and they therefore need not be mentioned in the collation if this spelling agrees with that of the collating base. An exception is the nomen sacrum δαδ, which can represent any of the several spellings of the Greek word for David. This contraction therefore must be recorded as a contraction, to show that it cannot be assumed to support a particular spelling. Sometimes it is also useful to indicate whether numerals are expressed by words or by letters of the alphabet.
(Bruce M. Metzger)
(h) Among the points which may be specified in which the oldest authorities should be followed, are proper names, as to which, not a little has been done by copyists in the way of alteration, and attempted correction. Thus, from the name David having been commonly written by contraction ΔΑΔ, has arisen the vicious orthography found in common editions, Δαβίδ. The older MSS., when they give this name at full length, spell it Δαυειδ, and in this they ought to be followed ; it is a point quite unimportant whether the copyists meant by ει the diphthong, or the simple vowel ι (which are continually interchanged even in the oldest books), for we cannot do better than adhere to the form which they actually give. In Hebrew names in general, when written in Greek, the forms best supported by authority should be used, even though they show that the sound of the name had been somewhat corrupted by the Greek writers. Thus, in Matt. i. 10, we need not be surprised to find that Ἀμὼς is the reading of B C M Δ and other authorities, where the common text has Ἀμών nor can we rightly argue that as the latter was properly the name of this king, therefore the other form must be a mistake of copyists; for the argument lies directly the other way: the better authorities give the name in such a form that others were inclined pro more to correct it. The real question is not, What was the form of the name in Hebrew? but, How was it written in Greek? For nothing can be more habitual than the changes of the terminations of proper names, when transfused from one language to another. Similar to this is Ἀσὰφ instead of the commonly edited Ἀσὰ in verse 7. In Josephus it may be seen how there was a tendency to add a consonant to a Hebrew proper name ; he then further appends a declinable termination.
(S.P. Tregelles, An Account of the Printed Text of the Greek New Testament, p. 207-208)
(i) Δαυίδ] So have I here and elsewhere edited, with Matth., Griesb., Scholz, and Tisch., with the general consent of all the more ancient and correct MSS. (including the Lamb. and Mus) ; for the rec. Δαβίδ Lach. edits Δαβείδ, found indeed here and elsewhere in several of the most ancient MSS. (when they write fully.) of it. But even those (together with the most ancient cursive MSS. almost universally) generally use the abbreviated form Δαδ. However the spelling arose probably from Itacism, as also Ἀμειναδὰβ for Ἀμιν. found in B. Δ.
(S. T. Bloomfield, The Greek Trstament with English Notes, vol. 1, p. 4)
(j) Yἱοῦ Ἀβραάμ – The word υἱοῦ was used by the Hebrews and the Hellenists to signify not only son, but grandson, great-grandson, even to the whole race, which may be expressed by the English word descendant. Matthew carries back the genealogy to Abraham, the founder of the Jewish race. The same observation applies to γεννᾶν, v. 8.
which is used with the same latitude as the Hebrew ילד. The descent of the Messiah from Abraham is emphasized in Testament of Levi 8. This is what Jesus meant when he told the Samaritan woman that salvation is from the Jews.
And they said to me: Levi, thy seed shall be divided into three offices, for a sign of the glory of the Lord who is to come. And the first portion shall be great; yea, greater than it shall none be. The second shall be in the priesthood. And the third shall be called by a new name, because a king shall arise in Judah, and shall establish a new priesthood, after the fashion of the Gentiles [to all the Gentiles]. And His presence is beloved, as a prophet of the Most High, of the seed of Abraham our father (The Apocrypha And Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament in English Volume 2, R.H. Charles, page 309).
(k) Ἀβραάμ – Instead of Ἀβραάμ, many codices have Ἁβραάμ. Erasmus and Stephanus write after the LXX, Ἁβραάμ, with an aspirate as it should be in Ἑσαΐας, Ἑλίας, Ἱεροσόλυμα. Other editors prefer Ἀβραάμ.
(l) CLEMENT of Alexandria, who lived towards the close of the second century (A.D. 194) , speaking of the order of the Gospels which he had received from the presbyters of more ancient times, says expressly that the Gospels containing the genealogies were first written. Here, then, we have two things proved, viz. the curiosity and inquisitiveness of the ancient Christians concerning the books of the New Testament which they had received, and likewise an assurance of the genuine ness of the genealogies in Matt. i. and Luke i. This testimony to the first chapter of St. Matthew’s Gospel is so strong as to put its antiquity and genuineness beyond all question.
(Thomas Hartwell Horne, An Introduction to the Critical Study and Knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, vol. 4, p. 423)
(m) The Testimonies of the Enemies of Christianity. – Three of these are pecu liarly distinguished for their enmity to the Christian name and faith ; viz. the emperor Julian, who wrote in the middle of the fourth century : Porphyry, who wrote in the third century ; and Celsus, who wrote in the middle of the second century. Though their works are lost, their arguments are preserved in the answers of their opponents : and from these it appears that they were by no means deficient in industry to discover means of invalidating any portion of the Gospel history. They stated many objections to particular circumstances in the narrative of the miraculous conception, but never entertained the most remote idea of creating the whole as spurious. They did not contend, as our modern ohjectors do, that St. Matthew and St. Luke never wrote these accounts ; but that, in writing them, they committed errors or related falsehoods. That Celsus, in particular, was specifically acquainted with the genealogy contained in the first chapter is evident ; for he speaks of historians who trace the genealogy of Jesus from the first father of the human family and from Jewish kings.¹ By the former, Luke must be intended ; and by the latter, Matthew. That Celsus should pass over unnoticed the seeming contradiction of the genealogy of Matthew and Luke, is no more remarkable than that he should omit to mention many other things.³ Besides the testimonies of these enemies of the Gospel, we can produce another of still higher antiquity – that of Cerinthus, an heresiarch who was contemporary with the Evangelist St. John. Cerinthus received the Gospel of St. Matthew (though not entire), and Epiphanius expressly states that his followers “preferred it on account of its genealogy.” The same Father also records in terms equally explicit, that it is ALLOWED by all THAT CERINTHUS MADE USE OF THE BEGINNING of St. Mutthew’s Gospel, and from thence endeavoured to prove that Jesus was the Son of Joseph and Mary.”³ To these decisive testimonies of the adversaries of Christianity we add a fact by no means unimportant, as an accessary proof ; which is, that no objections were ever brought against these chapters in the early centuries, during the heat of religious contention, when all parties sought to defend themselves, and to assail their opponents, by arguments of all kinds, industriously drawn from every quarter.
(Thomas Hartwell Horne, An Introduction to the Critical Study and Knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, vol. 4, pp. 423-424)